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The GOP has been hijacked. That’s right, hijacked. Over the past 100 years, an elite progressive minority has taken the Republican Party far afield from its conservative platform and the interests and values of its grassroots conservative base.

I’ll admit that, in the aftermath of the disappointments of the 2012 elections, conservatives like me are angry.

We are angry at being blamed for Mitt Romney’s defeat, when we argued from the beginning that he was a Big Government establishment politician and that if he ran a content-free campaign, he would lose.

We are angry at the disrespect shown to limited-government constitutional conservatives who were delegates to the 2012 Republican National Convention. We are angrier still when members of Congress, whom we elected, and who want to use the democratic process to push policies based on conservative principles, are told to “get their ass in line” by Speaker of the House John Boehner, and to go along with the Republican Party leadership’s betrayal of conservative principles—or else.

It’s time for conservatives to channel that anger. It’s time to take our party back.


In some ways, I was a Tea Partier before there was a Tea Party.

I vividly remember back in 1952 when, as a 19-year-old kid too young to vote (you had to be 21 at that time), I sat in a polling place in Houston, Texas, from 7:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m., trying to help “Mr. Conservative,” Sen. Robert Taft of Ohio, win the Republican nomination for president. It mostly ended up being a “family values” moment, when the only people to vote that day in my precinct were my mother and father.

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Republicans were rare birds in Texas in 1952, and I’m sure plenty of my college friends thought I was nuts for spending my time on politics, particularly Republican politics.

Since Reconstruction, no Republican in Texas had been elected governor or senator. Republican elected officials in Texas were few and far between, with the GOP existing largely as a patronage party to claim federal appointments during the times when there was a Republican in the White House.

From my perch out in Houston’s Harris County, it looked like Taft had it wrapped up. After all, he had won the most votes in the primaries, had the most delegates going into the Republican National Convention, and despite frontrunner Gen. Dwight Eisenhower’s status as a war hero, Taft was the favorite of the grassroots activists of the GOP.

But Taft was not the favorite of the Eastern establishment leaders of the National Republican Party; they worked all out to hand the nomination to Eisenhower, and when Senator Taft was defeated, I was surprised and disappointed, but I was not dissuaded from my interest in conservative politics.

Making sure that I was on the winning side wasn’t what interested me; making sure the right side won did.

Fast-forward to Sept. 11, 1960, and a meeting at the family home of William F. Buckley, Jr. in Sharon, Connecticut: The Sharon Statement, primarily drafted by author and educator M. Stanton Evans, and still one of the most compelling statements of conservative principles and values ever written, was adopted and signed by the 90-some young attendees.

The Sharon Statement, in its eloquent homage to liberty and limited government, has stood the test of time. With the exception of its provision regarding international Communism (for which we might today substitute radical Islam), it is still relevant. Young Americans for Freedom was launched, and with it began the modern conservative movement we know today.

Less than a year later, in August 1961, I became executive secretary of Young Americans for Freedom, and because we needed to raise money to build the organization, I began to learn how to market the conservative ideas, principles and values for which we stood.

For those born in the Internet age or after the advent of cable TV, it may be hard to imagine how difficult the job of marketing conservatism and conservative ideas was in 1961. To this day, the New York Times carries on its front page the motto “All the news that’s fit to print,” and in 1961, as it is today, liberals were largely in charge of deciding what was fit to print in the establishment press and what wasn’t.

The conservative print media was small; Human Events was an eight- to 12-page newsletter, the National Review was just getting started, and YAF’s publication, the New Guard, first edited by Lee Edwards, now a senior fellow at the Heritage Foundation, had just a few thousand subscribers.

It was hard, if not impossible, to find the conservative point of view on television. Walter Cronkite of CBS and his establishment media colleagues at ABC and NBC would go on air at 6:30 p.m., and by 7:00 p.m. America would have been told what to think— and it wouldn’t be that communism was evil and dangerous and that lower taxes, less government and more freedom were good ideas.

This remained true into the 1970s and 1980s, even as Ronald Reagan rose to national prominence and won two landslide elections.

If you were a conservative on a college campus or in a suburban neighborhood reading the newspapers and watching TV, you were marooned in a world where the elite opinion makers of New York and Washington found your ideas fit to be ignored or attacked, but not printed or aired.

The one means we had to get our message out, to share ideas and to bypass the establishment media filter was direct mail—the first and longest-lived form of new and alternative media.

I didn’t set out to change the media or the media culture by applying the techniques of commercial direct marketing to conservative politics; we simply needed money to run Young Americans for Freedom and it was my job to raise it—a job that became all the more urgent after our conservative standard-bearer, Sen. Barry Goldwater of Arizona, was obliterated in the 1964 election.

Goldwater—the candidate of the New West and conservatives— had won the Republican nomination over the strong objections of the Eastern establishment Republican leaders. Once he had the nomination in hand, they did little to help him and much to hurt him, and when he went down in flames, they were quick to blame conservatives for the party’s defeat and do their best to purge Goldwater supporters from the GOP.

Richard A. Viguerie is chairman of and the author of Takeover: The 100-Year War for the Soul of the GOP and How Conservatives Can Finally Win It (WND Books, 2014), from which this excerpt was adapted.

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Tea party attacks John Boehner at home

But Boehner’s latest challenge is more direct, a full-on assault from tea party activists in his Ohio congressional district, where he will face three challengers in a May 6 primary. One of those is a young high school French teacher named J.D. Winteregg, who is receiving support from a national organization that has poured hundreds of thousands of dollars into advertisements, billboards and direct mail aimed at persuading voters to drop the House speaker.

“I’m fed up with him. I’m fed up with the fact that he’s never home, fed up with the fact that he’s never accessible,” Winteregg, 32, said in an interview. “It’s rare that I meet someone that’s for Boehner. The first thing they usually say is, ‘He’s been there too long.’ And the second thing they say is, ‘Let’s throw all the bums out.’ ”

Winteregg is a political novice who has never sought elected office. He has raised just $43,000 for his bid, less than 1 percent of the $5.5 million Boehner has amassed for his principal campaign account. But the Tea Party Leadership Fund has spent almost $320,000 on voter communications opposing Boehner and backing Winteregg. The fund’s chairman, radio host Rusty Humphries, said the group interviewed a number of candidates before deciding to back Winteregg.

Winteregg “reminds me of a young reformer back 24 years ago,” he said. “There was this guy John Boehner who was going to reform things; he was going to change things. Boehner hasn’t been doing the job that the people of Ohio sent him there to do. They sent him there to be a strong conservative voice.”

Primary challenges are nothing new for Boehner. Since winning his seat, which includes several suburban and rural counties north of Cincinnati along the Indiana border, he has won five contested primaries. In 2010, he beat two challengers and took 85 percent of the vote. Two years later, he won 84 percent of Republican voters against a single challenger.

But Boehner knows this year is different in at least one regard: Unlike 2010, when now-Sen. Rob Portman’s campaign was running get-out-the-vote operations, or 2012, when Republican presidential candidates were battling for delegates, there is no high-stakes race on the ballot this primary season. Gov. John Kasich (R) is unopposed in his bid for renomination, and neither Ohio Senate seat is up for grabs.

Incumbents are most vulnerable in low-turnout elections, when voters motivated by opposition to members of Congress can turn out in higher proportions than those who favor the status quo. So Boehner, who is used to shelling out campaign cash to fellow Republicans nationwide, is spending some of his own money.

The campaign has spent $297,000 on television ads running in both the Cincinnati and Dayton media markets, according to filings made with local television stations. Boehner has two campaign offices open, one in his home town of West Chester and another satellite office in Miami County, farther north.

“We always take every race very seriously, and we’re very committed to doing what we need to do to mobilize our base and turn out voters on May 6,” said Cory Fritz, a Boehner spokesman. “We just don’t want to take anything for granted.”

The advertisements portray Boehner, a former plastics company executive, as intimately familiar with the district he has represented for 24 years. Winteregg said his votes to suspend the debt ceiling and for a stop-gap budget that provided funding for elements of the Affordable Care Act belied that claim.

“If you really were one of us, why do you have to spend so much money convincing us you’re one of us?” Winteregg asked. “I rarely hear of him here. He’s really out of touch with us.”

Fritz said Boehner, who was in Afghanistan, Abu Dhabi and Turkey last week, will spend part of this week visiting constituents and small businesses in his district.

Although national tea party groups criticize Boehner’s handling of House business, the speaker has a better relationship with local conservative organizations in his district.

Just one of the five tea party groups in Butler County is actively opposing his reelection bid.

“It’s something to have the speaker of the House as your representative. And to trade that in on a freshman, if you’re a thinking person, you really have to think hard whether you want to do that or not, especially given the chance of taking the Senate,” said Tim Savaglio, a member of the Liberty Township Tea Party’s board who says he will vote for Boehner.

Rumors of his impending retirement have dogged Boehner for months, but his fundraising productivity suggests otherwise; various committees he controls have raised more than $28 million since the beginning of the 113th Congress. He raised an additional $25 million or so for various candidates and Republican committees in 2013 by showing up at more than 100 fundraising events, his political office said.

It is extremely rare for a member of House leadership to lose a reelection bid. Guy Vander Jagt, who chaired the National Republican Congressional Committee, lost a primary to fellow Republican Pete Hoekstra in 1992. House Speaker Tom Foley (D-Wash.) lost his bid for another term in the Republican wave of 1994, and Senate Majority Leader Thomas A. Daschle (D-S.D.) lost his seat — and the Democratic majority — in 2004.

Complicating matters for Winteregg are the two other Republicans vying to oust Boehner. Matthew Ashworth, a tea party activist, and Eric Gurr, who owns a computer consulting firm, could split the anti-Boehner vote.

Boehner first won his seat in Congress by challenging an incumbent. In 1990, Boehner, then a state representative, ran against Rep. Buz Lukens, who had been convicted of a misdemeanor after a sexual relationship with a minor; Boehner beat Lukens and another former congressman, Tom Kindness, with a 49 percent plurality of the vote.

“He always makes an effort to run for reelection, but there’s no doubt that he’s putting a little extra effort into it this time,” said George Lang, president of the West Chester Township’s Board of Trustees. “In my opinion, this is still Boehner country.”

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John Boehner Quietly Obscures His Position On Abortion Rights

By Tara Culp-Ressler
April 22, 2014 at 10:50 am Updated: April 22, 2014 at 11:50 am

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John Boehner Quietly Obscures His Position On Abortion Rights


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CREDIT: AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite

House Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) recently won an endorsement from a local chapter of the National Right to Life, the most prominent anti-abortion group in the country. In a candidate survey on the topic, the Ohio lawmaker details his pro-life credentials, and notes that he supports federal and state legislation to ban abortion “in all cases except when the health of the mother is in danger, rape, and incest.”

But during his time in office, Boehner hasn’t necessarily ensured that the abortion bans he supports include an exception in cases when a woman’s health may be at risk.

In 2011, Boehner brought a bill to the floor that would have allowed hospitals to refuse to provide abortion care, even in cases of emergency when a woman may have died without it. The next year, he held a vote on a bill to ban abortion after 20 weeks in Washington, DC with no exception for a woman’s health. And in 2013, Boehner supported a national 20-week ban that didn’t include an explicit exception for a woman’s health, either.

Reproductive rights groups in the state think the disparity matters. They see it as an attempt to convince voters that Boehner’s stance on abortion isn’t that extreme. Kellie Copeland, the executive director of NARAL Pro-Choice Ohio, said Boehner’s claim that he supports abortion access in cases when a woman’s health is in danger is “totally bogus.”

“We all know that the GOP has a serious problem with women voters, and Boehner’s attempt to mislead the public on his choice position is desperate at best,” Copeland said. “With polls showing seven out of ten Americans supporting a woman’s right to choose, I have no doubt we’ll see more anti-choice politicians like Boehner trying to fool women voters. And it will not work.”

It may seem like a nitpicky distinction. After all, many abortion bans that don’t specify a health exception do include a provision that permits legal abortion services to save a woman’s life. For instance, the national 20-week ban that the House passed last year includes an exception “where necessary to save the life of a pregnant woman whose life is endangered.” Isn’t that the same thing as protecting her health?

Not exactly. The narrow language related to saving lives often makes it difficult for medical professionals to take proactive steps to safeguard their patients. They’re forced to wait to provide abortion care until a woman is clearly at risk of dying — and sometimes, by that point, it’s too late. And politically speaking, the specific language related to abortion exceptions can have huge implications. They’re currently becoming a point of contention for Republican candidates, threatening a potential split within the anti-choice community.

For instance, National Right to Life recently broke ties with its Georgia affiliate over its stance on rape and incest exceptions. Georgia Right to Life favors total abortion bans without any exceptions for rape or incest, a position that the national group thinks is too extreme. David O’Steen, the executive director of National Right to Life, explained to the Associated Press that his group is willing to compromise on legislation with those type of exceptions as part of an incremental strategy to slowly chip away at reproductive rights. “You have to deal with the reality of the social and political climate,” O’Steen said, pointing out that most Americans support legal abortion access for rape and incest victims. But some state level activists, like the ones in Georgia Right To Life, want to take a harder line.

“As we see a wave of increased restrictions on safe and legal abortion across the country, this internal hair-splitting over exceptions among some in the GOP only serves to underscore why politicians shouldn’t be involved in these decisions in the first place,” Cecile Richards, the president of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, pointed out.

The divide is an illustration of a fundamental difference of opinion when it comes to the overall anti-choice strategy. Abortion opponents have had a lot of success gradually dismantling Roe v. Wade piece by piece, but that’s not enough for the activists who want to take a bold stance to ban all abortions. Those abortion opponents continue to push radical legislation, like fetal heartbeat bans to outlaw the procedure at just six weeks, that are struggling to get enough traction among their Republican colleagues.

In Boehner’s home state, the DC-based National Right to Life has also begun to diverge from its Ohio affiliate over these issues. The national group recently endorsed a Republican candidate for Congress, Rep. Dave Joyce — but Joyce doesn’t have the support of Ohio Right to Life, who believes his stance on abortion is too moderate. And there’s at least one theme that Ohio Right to Life and NARAL Pro-Choice Ohio may actually agree on. The group’s president, Mike Gonidakis, has suggested that Joyce may be downplaying his abortion position “for political gain.”

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John Boehner’s double-speak rattles House immigration foes

But last week, the Wall Street Journal reported that Boehner, while speaking to donors in Las Vegas recently, said he is “hellbent” on passing immigration reform “this year.” A lot of Republicans concluded that when Boehner is speaking to jittery members, his message is: Relax, nothing’s going to happen. When he’s speaking to fat cats, the message is: We’ll get it done.

The report sparked an uproar, which in turn caused Boehner’s office to hit the “Relax” button again. “Everyone can tell their editors to chill,” Boehner spokesman Brendan Buck told reporters. “Nothing has changed. As he’s said many times, the Speaker believes step-by-step reform is important, but it won’t happen until the president builds trust and demonstrates a commitment to the rule of law.”

The reassurance didn’t reassure. Team Boehner’s response was “the ultimate non sequitur,” in the words of one Senate GOP aide involved in the immigration battle.

“Most members see the leadership as being supportive of Gang of Eight-style reform,” said a House Republican lawmaker who asked to remain anonymous. “We continually hear that once most primaries are over, the leadership will move forward with comprehensive reform.”

“That’s another one of those unguarded comments from Boehner — every once in a while you get the truth out of him,” said another House Republican, Rep. Steve King, who definitely did not wish to remain anonymous. “Every once in a while he slips up.”

More than a few House Republicans believe, or at least suspect, that the speaker is getting ready to pull a fast one on them. They’re particularly worried about a couple of scenarios.

In one, they fear Boehner and a few Republican allies might join with House Democrats to pass several separate bills that together add up to the bulk of the Senate Gang of Eight comprehensive reform bill. The content of the bills would be worked out with Senate Democrats; skeptical GOP members note that Rebecca Tallent, a former John McCain aide whom Boehner chose to be his top adviser on immigration, was not hired to sit around and do nothing. Once the set of House bills reaches the Senate, Majority Leader Harry Reid might bundle them into a new bill that would be comprehensive immigration reform in all but name.

Another gambit feared by immigration skeptics might be called the non-conference conference. In the past, Gang of Eight opponents have worried that the House leadership, again with Democratic help, might pass a limited immigration bill, and then appoint a House-Senate conference committee in which that bill and the Gang of Eight bill are transformed into a single measure that, again, looks a lot like comprehensive reform.

Now, some Republicans are taking that concern a step farther, worrying that Boehner wouldn’t have to appoint a formal conference committee at all. He and Reid could simply hand-pick a small group from both houses of Congress to work together on a bill — and out would come big immigration legislation.

Of course, a large majority of House Republicans would oppose either of those maneuvers, and even attempting them would be political suicide for Boehner. He simply could not do that and remain speaker of the House.

“For anything to get done, Boehner’s going to have to do an end run around the House Republican conference,” says a GOP House aide. “He can only do that as some kind of legacy play, losing the speakership. It would absolutely torch — just set fire to the conference.”

By some reckonings, there are perhaps 20 to 30 House Republicans (out of 232) who support doing anything of significance on immigration reform. But Boehner would clearly like to take some sort of action. Well aware of the conflict between his own wishes and that of the GOP rank-and-file, the speaker has been extraordinarily guarded about his intentions.

Even Republicans who are around Boehner frequently find it hard to get a handle on his plans. For every “hellbent” remark, there’s another that seems to suggest the opposite. Boehner hasn’t made any legislative moves since the House GOP “statement of principles” on immigration landed with a thud in late January. And as far as anyone knows, he intends to run for speaker again, should Republicans retain control of the House.

So no one knows what’s coming, and suspicions grow.

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But Seriously, Just How Slow-Witted is John Boehner?

As he moves from lobbyists to the golf course, from press conferences to the tanning bed, he remains oblivious to all that is around him. He has power, incredible power, and yet to this day he has no understanding of the election that made it so. Moreover, all around him are astonishing opportunities for him to be an historic figure — one who could and should be the man who did more than any other single person in turning back the red tide of Obama. It’s all there for Speaker of the House, and yet John Boehner manages to miss it all — as he guarantees his spot as the most spectacular failure in the history of Speakers of the House.

So seriously, just how dense is this guy? I’m not being flippant, or overly dramatic. His performance, in light of the momentous circumstances, necessitates just that question in the most literal and serious sense. Mr. Boehner, I frankly think you’re sort of stupid. Either that, or you are plagued by an amazing lack of situational awareness.

Consider: For months, the IRS has done their best to guarantee that they are known as nothing but part of the Democratic Party election machine.  Lois Lerner remains such an unsympathetic figure that the last public photo of her might as well have been a set of legs with red slippers sticking out from under a house. Elijah Cummings has been exposed as a corrupt and inarticulate embarrassment, and an email trail is emerging that would make Nixon’s use of the IRS look like child’s play. This one scandal is an incredible teaching opportunity of the inherent evils of the liberal bureaucratic political state. Donald Rumsfeld understands this. Boehner? Not so much. He’s talking about immigration deform.

If that weren’t enough, there is another epoch-making story unfolding in Nevada, as the Bundy Ranch is being invaded by an army of militarized bureaucrats that most of us didn’t know exists — working for a bureaucracy that is apparently in charge of more land mass than the majority of world governments. Who the hell are these robo-crats, and who is paying for and authorizing their intimidating and dangerous cross-dressing? Apparently, in this case, the boy king of this hidden empire is a former political aide from the office of Harry Reid. Again, a silver platter of an opportunity has presented itself.

But no, Boehner would rather work behind the scenes to spoil the efforts of the Tea Party groups.

Oh, and while we’re at it, the Bundy story is far more than just some delicious viral YouTube videos. It brings up some very important questions, such as why does the Federal Government own more land in Nevada than everybody combined owns in the United Kingdom? Why does the BLM control one eighth of the entire landmass of the country? And just how many dirty Harry Reid deals are going on everywhere while most of us had no idea how big the BLM was and how little of our own country the rest of us own?

Uh, Mr. Boehner, these are questions of stupefying importance, and while millions of Americans are asking them, they will not get the traction they deserve until someone in a position of power asks them. You know, like a Speaker who is in the opposition party?

This is all erupting of course after many months of hearing about drones, wire tapping, data mining and all kinds of other government gone wild amusements. Oh, and lest we forget, this is after seven months of the nation being shown the withering failure of Obama Care — itself an hour by hour lesson on why those wanting government solutions are wrong and those of us opposing them are right.

There is an obvious mosaic that the simple unfolding of events is presenting, an unmistakable pattern of a government that is too big, too powerful, too arbitrary, too corrupt and too incompetent to do anything right. People are scared of them, sick of them, and would rush to the support of anyone who would but grab this opportunity and run with it. Government bureaucrats have foisted a nauseating sclerosis on our entire culture, and these cubicle dwelling microbes are wielding the incredible power at their disposal that results from endless government regulations combined with their anonymity, invisibility and isolation.

We are a nation of subjects whose lives and businesses are being destroyed, largely by people we will never meet and cannot confront. This is what the bureaucratic state does, and there is supposed to be a political party that opposes this. There is a political base of supporters that damned sure do. Never in our history can our arguments be made simply from the daily headlines. Never has the battlefield of ideas been so softened by reality. Never has there been such a possibility for a Speaker of the House of the opposition party.

But regrettably, that position is now held by a man simply not clever enough to realize it. Less than two years into his career, Boehner helped craft the marvelous Contract with America. Ten years later, he had sunk to helping write “No Child Left Behind.” And ten years after that, his intellectual slippage has continued. So Mr. Boehner, just how obtuse are you? Seriously.

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Ad: John Boehners electile dysfunction

The primary challenger running against John Boehner is out with a new ad spoofing the speaker’s “electile dysfunction.”

In the Cialis-like spot titled “When The Moment Is Right,” tea party candidate J.D. Winteregg also takes some not-so-subtle jabs at Boehner for the Ohio Republican’s smoking, golfing and tan.

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“Other signs of electile dysfunction may include extreme skin discoloration, the inability to punch oneself out of a wet paper bag, or maintain a spine in the face of liberal opposition,” the ad said, which was posted to Winteregg’s YouTube channel on Sunday.

(WATCH: POLITICO’s Driving the Day)

“Your electile dysfunction? It could be a question of blood flow. Sometimes when a politician has been in D.C. too long, it goes to his head and he just can’t seem to get the job done,” the voiceover says as footage of Boehner shaking hands with President Barack Obama plays. “If you have a Boehner lasting more than 23 years, seek immediate medical attention.”

The one-minute ad also shows footage of the two golfing, with the candidate appearing at its end.

“I’m J.D. Winteregg and I approve this message, but I don’t golf,” he says.

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Campaign ad: John Boehner has “electile disfunction”

J.D. Winteregg Boehner electile dysfunction

The Speaker of the House’s primary challenger wants voters to consider an important question: Does John Boehner (R-Ohio) have electile dysfunction?

J.D. Winteregg, a high school teacher looking to take down one of the most powerful Republicans in Congress, released a campaign ad on Sunday that was styled exactly like a commercial for Viagra, a drug that helps men with erectile dysfunction.

“You make a great team,” the ad’s narrator says. “It’s been that way since the day you met. But your electile dysfunction? It could be a question of blood flow. Sometimes, when a politician has been in D.C. too long, it goes to his head and he just can’t seem to get the job done.”

The narrator goes on to promise that Winteregg will keep the border secure, protect Americans’ Second Amendment rights and defund Obamacare and Planned Parenthood.

But how will a voter know if Boehner really does have electile dysfunction? Side effects include skin discoloration and golf. And, of course, if your Boehner lasts too long, be sure to seek immediate medical attention.

Watch the ad below:

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John Boehner slams Keystone XL delay as ‘shameful’

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John Boehner’s Tea Party Foes Host "Retirement Party"

WASHINGTON — Tea party activists are sending out invitations for a “surprise retirement party” for House Speaker John Boehner, targeting inside-the-beltway Boehner backers and reporters.

The email invites are paid for by the Tea Party Leadership Fund Political Action Committee, a conservative organization that has spent more than $300,000 this cycle supporting 32-year-old J.D. Winteregg’s primary challenge to Boehner this year.

“We’re throwing a retirement party for our John Boehner, and 1,000 of his closest Beltway buddies are invited. I’ve pledged to get him a shuffleboard set so he can enjoy his new Florida retirement in style,” PAC spokesman Rusty Humphries said Friday.

The invites are the latest effort in a tongue-in-cheek campaign by tea party activist — and adjunct French professor — Winteregg’s primary challenge to the powerful Ohio Republicans in his May 6 primary. Earlier this month Winteregg released a commercial on YouTube parodying Cialis commercials, titled “Electile Dysfunction.”

According to a source, the invite is being sent to “1,000 of John Boehner’s closest friends and D.C. political reporters,” and asks invitees to “join 8th District primary voters in remembering 23 years of reckless spending, feckless leadership, and gutless deal-making. Wish John bon voyage as he departs Congress for his new Florida condo and a life of overtanning, bad golfing, and early bird specials.”

While it is all but certain Boehner will emerge from his primary unscathed and the challenge is unlikely to affect Boehner’s work in Congress, it could still have an impact on Congress.

The fear of primary challenges has been one of the biggest roadblocks Boehner has faced during his time as speaker, despite the relative lack of successful insurgent campaigns against incumbents. A host of moderate Republicans are facing primary challenges over the next two months, and the willingness of tea party activists to spend significant sums in Boehner’s race could harden their unwillingness to compromise with Democrats on hot-button issues ranging from the budget to immigration reform.

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John Boehner’s Spokesman Sends Perfect Email Telling Reporters To ‘Chill’ Out

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